Israel’s failed war on Gaza has shifted the political ground on both sides of the conflict, bolstering Hamas, which Israel set out to destroy, and discrediting Israeli propaganda, which no one now believes, writes Ramzy Baroud

Aside from being a major military setback, Israel’s latest war on Gaza has also disoriented the policies of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu like never before. Since the announcement of a ceasefire on 26 August, his statements have appeared erratic and particularly uncertain. This is an expected outcome of the Gaza war.

Since his first term as a prime minister (1996-99), Netanyahu has shown particular skill at fashioning political and military events to suit his declared policies. He fabricated imminent threats that were neither imminent nor threats — for example, Iraq’s non-existent weapons of mass destruction. Later, he took on Iran.

He created too many conditions and laid numerous obstacles for a peace settlement to ever be realised. Late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat laboured for years to meet Israel’s conditions, and failed. Abbas has taken the same futile road. But Netanyahu’s conditions are designed to be unattainable.

For example, Netanyahu insists that the Palestinian leadership must accept Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state, despite the fact that millions of Palestinian Muslims and Christians share that land, which has for centuries constituted the land of historic Palestine. Signing off the rights of non-Jews is not only undemocratic, but also tantamount to clearing the way for another campaign of ethnic cleansing of Palestinians.

But in actuality, none of this truly matters to Netanyahu. For him, protracted “peace talks” are a smokescreen for his illegal settlement construction project, which remains as ravenous as ever. He is confiscating occupied Palestinian land with impunity while insisting that Israel’s intentions have always been, and remain, peaceful.

For nearly two decades Netanyahu negotiated his political survival based on that very strategy, skilfully although underhandedly playing on existing fears and engineering security threats. For him, Hamas, Hizbullah, the Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, the Muslim Brotherhood, Iran, Syria and so on, are essentially one and the same. Of course they are not and he knows it well.

If one skims through his speeches and media interviews throughout the years, one can easily spot the oddly fashioned discourse. No threat, however, was as consistently exaggerated and misleadingly presented as that of Hamas. Whenever the Iran discourse grew too redundant and unconvincing, and when Hizbullah (especially in the last three years) grew irrelevant, he returned to Hamas. Many in the media willingly, or out of sheer ignorance, played into Netanyahu’s hand, presenting the Palestinian political movement with a military wing as a menace that has “sworn” to destroy Israel.

That demonisation of Palestinians was an essential component in Israel’s military strategies throughout the years, starting with the fidayeen, then the socialists, the Palestine Liberation Organisation, and so on. It made the political price of war relatively less expensive. And, for Israel, war is the primary pillar of the country’s policies in the region, where land is confiscated, Israel’s enemies are reminded of their place, and “taught a lesson” whenever such a lesson is needed.

War, for Israel, is also important as a tool to distract from political trouble at home, an underperforming economy or whatever else. Netanyahu’s and Israel’s wars on Gaza in recent years served as that distraction from one failed policy or another. Bombing Gaza was quite a convenient and rarely costly strategy to boost the credentials of Israeli politicians. Ariel Sharon mastered that art, as others before him, as did Ehud Barak, Ehud Olmert, Tzipi Livni, and of course Netanyahu himself in the years since.

One could argue that Israel’s recent war on Gaza, code-named Operation Protective Edge, starting 7 July, would have taken place even if Israel’s prime minister was someone other than Netanyahu. All the signs that the Israeli military move was impending were present. Rival Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah reached a unity agreement, despite strong Israeli rejection.

Alone, that would have been a compelling reason for Israel to feel the need to squash Hamas and end the need for unity in the first place. But more importantly, the mood in the West Bank was begging for change. Protests and rallies were reported throughout the West Bank in June, despite Israeli attempts to crush them, with the help of the goons of the US-funded and trained Palestinian Authority (PA) security.

Indeed, that was more important than the unity deal itself. Palestinians were being mobilised outside the fractured political landscape that has for years been paralysed between Hamas and Fatah. Taking the focus back to Gaza, where Netanyahu was leading a supposed war against terrorism, extremism and Israel’s arch enemies who are “sworn to the destruction of the Jewish state” seemed, from Israel’s Machiavellian logic, like a good idea.

In fact, Netanyahu succeeded, at least temporarily, to distract from the looming confrontation in the West Bank. But what he expected was a relatively easy battle. Hamas and other resistance groups were arguably weakened due to the advent of the so-called Arab Spring. They had been partly disowned by Iran and entirely disowned by Syria, which is busy fighting its own civil war. Moreover, the removal of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt left Hamas politically frail and exposed.

In fact, it was this vulnerability that pushed Hamas into a unity deal with Mahmoud Abbas who, according to the deal, maintained a degree of dominance over all Palestinian factions, including Hamas. Just before the war, a June public opinion poll conducted by the Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR) showed that PA President Abbas had the trust of 53 percent of Palestinians, while Hamas’s Gaza leader, Ismail Haniyeh, had the support of 41 percent.

Netanyahu’s war was the Israeli leadership’s attempt to capitalise on Hamas’s purported decline. But the war was a disaster. It killed more than 2,150 Palestinians and wounded more than 11,000. Yet it failed miserably. The Israeli army was held back by a unified Palestinian resistance front. It lost 64 soldiers and hundreds more were injured. It cost the Israeli economy millions. The war to end Hamas has given birth to the strongest Palestinian resistance front ever.

When the war ended on 26 August, Netanyahu, the keen politician who insists on defining the political discourse of any war or major political event, simply disappeared. Two days later he held a press conference at which he declared that Israel had “won”. But both Israelis and Palestinians disagreed. According to a poll conducted shortly after the ceasefire announcement and reported in the Israeli Jerusalem Post, 54 percent of Israelis believe they lost the war.

Numbers among Palestinians have dramatically shifted as well. According to PCPSR, 61 percent of Palestinians would now vote for Haniyeh, a huge climb from only a few weeks earlier; 94 percent were satisfied with the resistance military performance; and — more astoundingly — 79 percent said that Palestinian resistance had “won” the conflict.

Netanyahu’s war-turned-genocide backfired beyond anyone’s expectations. He has helped resurrect the very movement he wanted to crush. And now he is desperately trying to reconstruct the lost political discourse, referring to Hamas supporters as vile terrorists, and absurdly presenting Israel as a victim, just as Palestinians have finished burying thousands of their dead. This time, however, few seem to believe him.

The writer is managing editor of Middle East Eye.

SOURCE: http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/7203/21/Netanyahu-faces-new-Gaza-reality.aspx