Written By

Joseph Abraham Levi

Submitted: 20 July 2025 Reviewed: 07 August 2025 Published: 22 September 2025

DOI: 10.5772/intechopen.1012405

From the Edited Volume

Social Movements in Previous and Contemporary Societies

Ingrid Muenstermann

Abstract

Using as a springboard the historical context leading to the formation of Muslim and Romani religious/cultural/ethnic minorities in Portugal, in this chapter I analyze how Muslims and Romani (Calé/Caló in Romani-Portuguese and Roma/Ciganos in Portuguese) have gone from mere (seemingly passive) acceptance of their presumed role in their adopted land to a more assertive, yet constructive dialog, whereby they leverage their many contributions to Portuguese society as a bargaining chip for perhaps 1 day getting closer to full acceptance and well-deserved respect/appreciation. Both minority groups boast more than 500 years of recorded presence in Portugal: the Romani arrived by the end of the fifteenth century, hailing from Spain; whereas Muslim presence in Iberia began in 711 and ended officially in 1492 (Spain) and in 1496–1497 (Portugal). Nevertheless, some Muslims were allowed to remain in Portugal, yet confined to mourarias (Muslim quarters). While Romani presence has been almost continuous during more than a half a millennium (intermingled with some expulsions and deportations), official Muslim presence in Portugal only resumed in the 1960s with the arrival of Muslims from the then-Portuguese Empire (1415–2002)—e.g., Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique—as well as elsewhere. More recently (1990s), Muslim immigrants and refugees have also made their home in Portugal. Social movements such as activism, human rights groups, grassroots organizations, the Media, and public protests have proven successful in this rapprochement. Thus, la longue durée of both cultural/ethnic/religious groups will shed light on present and future trends of their (full) acceptance (or lack thereof) by Portuguese society.

Keywords

• Calé/Caló
• discrimination
• identity
• immigrants
• Islam
• Muslims
• Portuguese
• Romani people
• social movements
• stereotyping

Author Information

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1. Introduction: Portugal – The birth of a nation

Portugal, as a united and independent nation, traces its origins to its northern region, around the present-day cities of Braga and Porto. Indeed, it is in this area that Portuguese identity as a (future) nation and unified people was forged.

The Condado Portucalense (County of Portugal, 868–1139), which stretched between the rivers Tagus and Minho, was given to Henry (c. 1066–1112), Count of Portugal (1096–1112) by king Alfonso VI of León (r. 1065–1109) in exchange for his assistance in taking back the land once conquered by Muslims during their military incursions throughout the Iberian Peninsula, moving south to north (711–726).

Known in Portuguese and Spanish as Reconquista (Reconquest), the gradual process of reclaiming Iberian lands once owned by Suebian (409–585) and Visigoth kingdoms (418–711) gave rise to the formation of several, small semi-independent as well as independent counties and kingdoms that steadily moved south, southwest, and southeast until they eventually regained full control of the entire Iberian Peninsula (1492).

The 1143 Zamora Treaty granted Portugal full independence from the County of León and Castile. Thirty-six years later, in 1179, Pope Alexander III (r. 1159–1181) finally recognized Portugal as an independent nation.

2. Portuguese ethnicity/ethnicities

The ethnic component of present-day Portugal, including the archipelagos of the Azores and Madeira,¹ is a unique blend of pre-Roman visitors and settlers hailing from eastern, central, and western areas of Eurasia, the Middle East, and North Africa—as in the case of Carthaginians, Celtic tribes, Phoenicians, Greeks, Sephardic Jews, and أمَازيغ Amazigh (erroneously known as Berbers)—who can trace their presence as far back as 1100 BCE. Interactions with the local inhabitants, e.g., the Cynetes, Gallaeci, Lusitanians, and Tartessos,² all categorized as pre-Roman Iberians, gave rise to new cultural, ethnic, and linguistic encounters.

The Lusitanian merge with the Celtic and/or Celticized cultures produced a distinctly Celtiberian society, one which opened the door to the formation of a unified group living in present-day central and northern Portugal. Roman conquest of the Iberian Peninsula saw the political demise of all these pre-Roman societies and the ensuing establishment of the Roman province of Hispania (219–472 CE).³

The arrival and presence of Iranic and Germanic tribes in the Iberian Peninsula in c. 409 contributed to this already multi-composite genetic pool. Alan, Suebian, and Visigoth ethnicities⁴ thus intermingled with this pre-Roman and Roman as well as Indo-European and non-Indo-European hereditary fusion.

The last contribution to the mix was the arrival of Muslims from the Maghreb in 711. From 711 to 1250, parts of present-day Continental Portugal were, off and on, under the control of various Islamic dynasties.⁵ Hence, over more than 500 and 30 years, the presence of people (mainly men) hailing from the Arabian Peninsula, the rest of the Middle East, and Central Asia finally contributed to this already variegated genetic blend embracing three continents and innumerous language clusters and families. Semitic groups (i.e., Arab, Carthaginian, Jewish, and Phoenician), Indo-Europeans (e.g., Celtic, Latin, Germanic, Greek, and Iranic), Amazigh, non-Indo-European Iberians, and individuals hailing from the Turkic world left their genetic mark on the Portuguese family tree.

The Portuguese Age of Discovery and Exploration (1415–1543) and the ensuing vicissitudes tied to the Portuguese Empire (1415–2002)⁶ further enlarged the hereditary makeup of the Portuguese people by adding, albeit small, African (West, East, and Sub-Saharan), Amerindian,⁷ and Asian components to the mix.

3. The invisible “other” in Portuguese ethnicity/ethnicities

Setting aside the Sephardic Jewish contribution to the cultural melting pot presented above,⁸ in this section I analyze the invisible “other” in Portuguese ethnicity/ethnicities, namely, the role/presence of Muslim and Romani people as well as their acceptance (or lack thereof) by Portuguese society.

3.1 The Muslim “other”

Since the arrival of Muslim troops in Iberia in 711, the future nation of Portugal, as the rest of Iberia and other geographical areas of Europe that had direct or indirect presence/contact with Islam on their soil,⁹ displayed an ambivalent attitude toward the Muslim “other.”

In other words, from one side and once the shock of the invasion evaporated, it (willingly and/or unwillingly) accepted and worked with the Muslim “other” since the “Arab” (Saracen, sic) brought a new approach to culture, knowledge, science, and technology. Indeed, “Islam was the door through which Europeans were able to gradually emerge from the deep cloud of ignorance of the middle ages and venture out into a different world, one that would propel them into the modern age” [14].

In الأَنْدَلُس al-Andalus, i.e., the Iberian Peninsula under Muslim rule (711–1492), Muslim scholars, assisted by their Sephardic Jews and Christian counterparts, worked together to produce a “unique body of cultural and scientific works unequaled in human history,” thus fostering, for the first time, the “flourishing of the arts and sciences” in Europe [14, 15].

Because of the dictates of their religions that required knowledge of the holy books, both Jewish and Muslim men—yet, there were also some (notable) women¹⁰—were highly literate and conversant in many fields of knowledge.

For instance, unlike their Christian counterparts,¹¹ Iberian Jews and Muslims were able to read and write in the vernacular language (in this case, Portuguese) in Latin script and/or in عجَمِيّ aljamia, i.e., the vernacular written in Arabic and, less commonly, Hebrew script.¹²

Yet, from the other side, the Muslim was seen as a barbarian, an infidel (sic), a destroyer of Christianity, and a renegade.¹³ This was coupled with the fact that, by the mid thirteenth century, Christian Europe forged a new image of itself: from now on Europeans were white. Indeed, at this time Europeans began having more contacts with the “other” whose skin color differed from theirs [24].

This is the case of Muslims hailing from the Maghreb, the Middle East, Asia Minor, Central Asia, and less so, Southeast Asia who, in various degrees and at different times, had contact with Europeans, particularly present-day Portugal, Spain, Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily, Malta, and Southern Italy. Yet, also Orthodox and Monophysite¹⁴ Christians hailing from Egypt, Ethiopia, Nubia, and Asia (Middle East and Central Asia) were considered non-white:

One reason that European Christians had come to regard themselves as white by 1250 may be that they had been coming in contact with in large numbers with brown infidels, and with […] sub-Saharan Africans […] There are records of so-called Ethiopians even in the north [25].

The nine Crusades (1095–1272) contributed to this change [13, 26] since, as they were defending the Holy Land from Muslim occupation the Europeans, including the Portuguese, for the first time came into contact with a myriad of ethnic and racial groups with various degrees of skin tone.

Indeed, the nine Crusades “caused a major shift in the medieval understanding of race; as they represented the most extensive interactions between some […] Europeans and non-Christian cultures since Late Antiquity” [27].

As Tomaž Mastsak keenly observed, the Crusades were a “political theology in action.” ([26], p. 200). In other words, “race is a structural relationship for the articulation and management of human differences, rather than a substantive content” [28].

Hence, from now on more than ever, the Muslim “other” was associated with dark colors (black, dark red, and dark green) and Evil [28].

Jews and Romani people were also included in this cauldron where only salvation (i.e., conversion to Christianity) could perhaps atone for the dark hues of their skin and other bodily imperfections (sic) [29, 30, 31, 32, 33].

In the wake of the 1249 conquest of the Algarve region—the last stronghold of Islamic presence in Continental Portugal—mudéjares (Muslims) and moçárabes (Arabized/Islamized non-Muslims) were allowed to remain in a now-unified Christian country.¹⁵

So were Sephardic Jews and foreigners,¹⁶ the former and the latter particularly due to their invaluable financial and cultural contributions to the nation. Jews and Muslims, though, were forced to live in judiarias (Jewish quarters) and mourarias (Muslim quarters), respectively. The 1496–1497 Edit of Expulsion mandated that all Jews and Muslims either leave Portugal or convert to Christianity, i.e. Catholicism.

For almost 250 years then (1249–1496/1497), Muslims continued to live in and contribute to Portuguese society, particularly those who could assist the Portuguese Crown in its pursuit of forging a never-before seen intercontinental maritime empire, thus establishing itself as a leading economic power and dominate European markets at home (Europe) as well as abroad (in the lands soon-to-be “discovered” by the Portuguese).

Muslims, alongside Sephardic Jews and skilled foreigners (temporarily and/or permanently) living in Portugal thus were key elements in this economic quest for Portuguese preeminence worldwide. Their assistance and cooperation were essential for the overall success of Portuguese presence and supremacy in a world that for the first time was becoming fully interconnected and globalized.

Indeed, the “defeat of Muslim armies did not mean an end of Muslim presence in Portugal. The Christian Reconquest does not mean Muslims go back to their land, because this land was theirs as well” [34].

Notwithstanding the religious and sociopolitical differences, in the newly formed Portuguese kingdom Muslims, particularly scientists and scholars, “were thus an indispensable element in setting the ground for not only science,” but also for “navigation that changed the course of humankind: the encounter of other peoples and lands” [14].

Yet, at home (Portugal) and abroad—i.e., in the lands that Portugal visited, explored, discovered (sic), dominated, and/or eventually lost to other European nations¹⁷ following along the path opened by the Portuguese navigators—alas the image of the Muslim as the “other” remained negative.

For centuries the Muslim “other” in Portugal was seen and represented as an outsider who, despite the many contributions to the welfare of the country, still could not be trusted (sic). Indeed, in Portugal, as well as in many other European and European-based societies in the world, the word used to refer to a Muslim was, erroneously so, mouro (Moore). In other words the:

Moor became Portugal’s stereotypical “other” as European identity was being shaped in opposition to Islam. Although the term “Moor” traditionally referred to Arabic-speaking Muslims in North Africa, the label was often used to broadly refer to Muslims, reducing their diversity to a mass of otherness [34].

During the High Middle Ages (fifth–tenth centuries) the word Moor was erroneously used in Europe to identify Muslims hailing from the Maghreb as well as Islamic Iberia (الأنْدَلُس al-Andalus, 711–1492) and their descendants.

The original Greek word mauroi (plural) was adopted by the Romans as mauri in order to denote the “tawny” and/or dark-skinned inhabitants of Mauretania, then an African region situated between Numidia and the Atlantic Ocean.¹⁸ Yet, as time went by, the Latin word maurus, mouro in Portuguese (Moor), designated not only a “tawny” dark-skinned inhabitant of the Maghreb but also any person of African descent, regardless of the skin color.

The presence of Muslims in Europe—as in the case of the Iberian Peninsula, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Malta, and parts of southern Italy—thus triggered the association of “otherness” with “tawny” or dark skin color and a “foreign” religion, in this case, Islam and Muslims [36].

Hence, in Portugal mouro became synonymous with Muslim, African, North African, and a dark-skinned person. In other words, the mouro was the de facto “other” by default. The mouro was the enemy, the renegade, and the infidel (sic). Because of the Qur’ān and the Arabic language, both unknown to the average Portuguese, the mouro was feared; hence, he was diabolical (sic). Indeed, even though the Portuguese were familiar with the Muslims, they feared what the Muslims represented in their imagination: deceit, darkness, hostility, sin, and yes, even (attractive) sensuality:

[… the Moor was sometimes but not always a Saracen and was both a figure of alterity and of familiarity and sameness, less an aprioristic other and more of a figure that could be variously othered as a marker of boundaries including “race,” spirituality, and sexuality [37].

In Portugal, as in the rest of Christian Europe, the mouro was thus the Orientalized other. Indeed, from now on, the mouro enters the broader scene of Orientalism, or rather, “a manner of regularized (or Orientalized) writing, vision, and study, dominated by imperatives, perspectives, and ideological biases ostensibly suited to the Orient” [38].

Throughout the centuries, Portuguese society internalized this mistrust at best, fear at worst, of the mouro living in its midst. Unfortunately, in Portugal the term mouro, and the usually negative associations attached to it, is still used today despite the existence of perfectly correct ways to convey the same idea, namely: muçulmano (Muslim) and africano (African) when referring to an African Muslim, among others. Additional negative connotations of the word mouro include: escravo (slave, as in the sentence: trabalhar como um mouro, to work as a Moor, i.e., um escravo, or rather, a slave) and besta, beast, a pejorative reference to Muslims, i.e., non-humans, or rather, beastly people.

Alas, it appears that “barring the undeniable contributions to astronomy, philosophy, and science, Islam and Muslims are believed to have nothing to offer to the West” [23]. On the contrary:

The Orient and Islam have a kind of extrareal, phenomenologically reduced status that puts them out of reach of everyone except the Western expert. From the beginning of Western speculation about the Orient, the one thing the Orient could not do was to represent itself. Evidence of the Orient was credible only after it had passed through and been made firm by the refining fire of the Orientalist’s work [38].

As mentioned in the introduction to this chapter, when it comes to accepting Muslims, Portugal appears to be very ambiguous and porous. In the wake of the end of a 48-year period of dictatorial regime—whereas the country was governed by one of the strictest forms of fascism in Europe (1926–1974)—Portugal embraced (or at least vehemently tried to embrace) all forms of policies, most of the time triggered by social-movement activities, that gradually yet surely reverted the most draconian laws against women, ethnic/racial/religious minorities, and LGBTQIA+ people, to name the most significant advancements carried out by Center and Center-Left political tendencies: e.g., the Partido Socialista (PS, Socialist Party), the Bloco de Esquerda (BE, Left Bloc), the Partido Comunista Português (PCC, Portuguese Communist Party), and the Partido Ecologista Os Verdes (PEV, The Green Party).

The Centro Democrático Social – Partido Popular (CDS-PP, Social Democratic Center – Popular Party), is a conservative Christian-Democratic party with a right-wing, socially-conservative ideology. The Partido Livre (Free) and PAN (Pessoas – Animais – Natureza, People, Animals, Nature), on the other hand, are eco-socialist and environmental parties that support intersectional, ecological, and LGTQIA+ agendas (backed by social-movement initiatives), while also proposing inclusive education, minority rights, and anti-racism initiatives.

The central driving force behind most Portuguese progressive rights legislations between April 25, 2974 and May 18, 2025 was the Socialist Party (PS). Yet, the resignation of former Portuguese Prime Minister António Costa (November 7, 2023) over corruption allegations, later unproven, as well as other corruption scandals involving the Socialist Party contributed to the increasing distrust of the leaders of the Socialist Party (PS) and of the Left in general which was counterbalanced by an increase in popularity of the Central-Right, Right, and Far-Right in Portugal.¹⁹ The May 18, 2025 Election brought sweeping changes in Portugal. For the first time the Central-Right (AD, Aliança Democrática, Democratic Alliance) and the Far-Right (Chega, Enough) gained control of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, with the AD and the Chega receiving the majority of seats in the Assembly: AD 91 seats and Chega 60 seats vs. 58 seats of the PS (Figure 1).

The latest research on the major nationality and racial/ethnic groups of Muslims residing in Portugal (2024) show that individuals hailing from the Maghreb and the Middle East (particularly Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Syria) hold the largest share: 25–35% of the total Muslim population (c. 9000–14,000 people).

Even though the Bangladeshi community in Portugal is very large, official numbers place the Bangladeshi at the second place with 20–30% (c. 8000–12,000 people).

Lusophone Africans, hailing from Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, perhaps the oldest Lusophone African Muslim community in Portugal, are at the third place, with an estimate number of 15–20% (c. 5500–8000 people).

The Ismaili Shia community that traces its origins to South Asia and East Africa, is made up of approximately 10,000 individuals (c. 25–30% of all Muslims living in Portugal).

Finally, Muslims from South Asia and Central Asia (e.g., Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan, are 10–15% of the Muslim residents in Portugal (c. 3500–5500 people) (Figure 2) [39, 40, 41].

A special note should be made to highlight the Aga Khan Ismaili community in Portugal. Indeed, since 1983, the Aga Khan Development Network [42] has been very active in Portugal in assisting migrant and, as of late, refugee communities (Shiite and Sunni alike) offering a wide variety of economic and social assistance:

AKDN has been active in Portugal for several decades, in particular through the Aga Khan Foundation (AKF) […] The Foundations’ activities in Portugal primarily focus on innovation in early childhood development and education, and strengthening civil society through the social, cultural, and economic inclusion of people living in neglected or underserved communities, with a specific focus on migrant inclusion [42].

In 2015, as the spiritual leader of the Ismaili Shia communities, the then-Aga Khan Prince شَاه كَريم الحُسَيني Shā Karīm al-Hussaini (1936–2015)—Aga Khan IV and 49th hereditary Imam of the Shiite Ismailis (r. 1957–2025)—moved the Imamate Secretariat (Aga Khan Foundation’s branch) from Aiglemont, France, to Lisbon in order to better serve the Ismaili communities in Portugal, thus making Lisbon the one-stop hub for all kinds of cultural and religious activities in the country. His son, Prince رَحِيم الحُسَيني Rahīm al-Hussaini Aga Khan (1971-), آقاخان بنجم Aga Khan V (Āqā Khān Panjum), is the 50th hereditary Imam of the Shiite Ismailis (r. 2025-) who follows along his late father’s commitment to making Portugal a leader in assisting underprivileged people, regardless of their race, ethnicity, religion, and/or provenience.

Due to the strong and decades-old relationship between the Aga Khan Foundation and Portugal, many Portuguese view the Ismaili communities residing in their midst positively. Mutual respect and trust have been a constant for over four decades especially because of their many contributions to Portuguese culture and society. Community engagement (Ismaili and non-Ismaili) and a strong desire to combat all forms of radicalism and hate—most of the time triggered by social-movement, community (re)actions demanding change—resonate with the Portuguese people especially when it comes to using a shared past of knowledge, wisdom, and mutual respect in order to create a present and a future with limitless opportunities of growth and social progress for everyone.²⁰

Alas, this same attitude is not found across the board with other Muslim communities residing in Portugal, particularly immigrants and refugees hailing from the Middle East, West Africa, and South Asia. As mentioned above, there is still resistance to fully accepting the Muslim “other” as one of their own. Even though not all Portuguese share these views—indeed there are many individuals, groups, and institutes, let alone private and state-owned organizations, that are committed to helping Muslim immigrants and refugees and treat them as human beings—the overall perception of the Muslim “other” is still negative or at least suspicious at best whereby the fear of the unknown (sic) overweighs all positive attributes, qualities, and contributions that these Muslim communities could make to Portuguese society as a whole, should they be allowed to live and work in Portugal, contribute to the welfare of their host country, and interact with the rest of the population.

This does not mean that Islamophobia is rampant in Portugal. In fact, barring some cases of harassment and hate speech against Muslims, overall overt discrimination and Islamophobia are not common in Portugal when compared to other European countries [44].

Additionally, and more importantly, during these past two decades there has been an increased interest in people reclaiming their rich past (Sephardic Jewish and Islamic). Hence, there is an ever-growing interest in celebrating the numerous Islamic and Sephardic contributions to Portugal’s culture, history, and society [45, 46, 47, 48].

Recently, though, a more conservative and anti-immigration rhetoric has been directed against immigrants. Alas, on July 16, 2025, the support of the above-mentioned center-right coalition AD and the far-right Chega party gave the green light to a significant portion of immigration reforms in Parliament, whereby the left-wing PS, Livre, BE, the center-left JPP (Juntos pelos Povo, Together for the People), and green PAN voted against these strict immigration rules that limit residency to immigrants. Even though these measures will hinder primarily Brazilian citizens, who would lose the right to residence upon arrival to Portugal, there is fear that more stringent laws are on their way targeting immigrants, refugees, and minority groups [49, 50, 51]. Needless to say, concerns about the increasing influence of the right and, more so, the far-right, have prompted social movement groups to push for countermeasures to challenge harsh and discriminatory rhetoric and policies hailing from the conservative wing of the Government.

3.2 The Romani “other”

On April 8 the world honors International Roma(ni) Day to celebrate Romani languages, cultures, and communities [52]. Portugal goes a step further. On June 24 it also celebrates the Dia Nacional do Cigano (National Day of the Romani, Calé or Caló in Romani-Portuguese and Roma or Cigano in Portuguese) [53, 54].

Historically speaking, unlike other linguistic, ethnic, and racial minorities living in present-day Portugal and its former overseas territories—as in the case of Muslims, mudéjares, Sephardic Jews, and Anusim²¹—the Romani communities in Portugal do not possess the economic power as well as the rich historical past of having contributed to the welfare of the country. In other words, due to their lack of education (or better yet, access to the educational system), the Romani people in Portugal were not articulate enough in order to defend themselves as well as receive recognition for their many contributions to the country and the ensuing respect for their ethnic, racial, and historically variegated cultural background [55, 56].

The March 13, 1526 charter issued by King João III (r. 1521–1557) prohibited entry into Portuguese lands to all Romani people as well as reinstated the expulsion of all the Romani communities already residing in Portugal decreed by the same monarch only a few months earlier (October 1525).

Strangely enough, 1526 also marks the year in which Romani identity starts to affirm itself within the broader concept of the then-ever-expanding and changing national identity of the Portuguese people.

Indeed, one of the (positive?) effects of the Portuguese Age of Discovery (15th–16th centuries) on the Portuguese as a unified and collective people/nation was that now for the first time their identity coincided with the ideal of territorial expansion overseas: Africa, Asia, and, partially (until 1822), Brazil.²²

The Portuguese thus became aware of their role in linking peoples from all walks of life and that this connection unites them under Portuguese leadership (or lack thereof).

Setting aside the fallacy of this ideal/concept, the positive aspect of this notion is the fact that the Romani people had been living in Portugal for a long time (more than a half a millennium). Hence, they were very well integrated not only locally but also nationally [57].

Gil Vicente (1463-c. 1536–1540) is commonly hailed as the “inventor of modern Iberian theater” since “he was the first to write dramas in the main Iberian language[s] [Portuguese and Spanish] of the postmedieval period” [58]. During 36 years (1500–1536), Gil Vicente wrote 44 plays: 14 in Portuguese, 10 in Spanish, and 20 in a mix of Portuguese and Spanish. Barring the devotional plays, the comedies, farces, and tragicomedies are cleaver farcical satires against the corruption of the time, including the members of the clergy.

Gil Vicente’s Auto or Farsa de umas ciganas (Drama or Farce of a Few Romani Women), which was performed at the Portuguese court in Évora in 1521 or perhaps 1525, “is the first piece of European theater dealing professedly with the Gypsy race” [59].

Using as a springboard the alas many social and ethnic stereotypes of sixteenth-century Portugal—as in the case of Jews, Romani people, Muslims (Moors, sic), Spaniards, sailors, peasants, and rustic people—Gil Vicente blends facts with Iberian folklore as well as just pure fancy with purposely exaggerated stereotypes and biases against the “other” in their midst.

In the Auto or Farsa de umas ciganas, eight Romani characters—four men (Liberto, Cláudio, Carmélio, and Aurício) and four women (Martina, Cassandra, Lucrécia, and Giralda)—arrive at the Portuguese court²³ and immediately portray their “innate characteristics” (sic), namely: fortunetelling, dancing, lasciviousness, and gossiping against the clergy and the noble class (greed, hypocrisy, and vanity). The language the Caló speak also reflects the biases and stereotypes of the time, namely, their (alleged or expected) use/mixture of archaic Portuguese, Spanish, and Romani language, including the perceived (and purposely stereotyped) Romani accent in speaking Portuguese.

The Romani women in the Auto or Farsa das ciganas are cartomantes/quiromantes (fortunetellers) who predict the future by reading the palm of the hand with pseudoscientific astrology that suggests cunningness and opportunism.

Gil Vicente’s Romani are portrayed as charlatans and tricksters who mix Portuguese with broken (pig) Latin, Spanish, and Romani language. They are outside mainstream Iberia because they are itinerant (nomads); hence, they are not to be trusted because they have no loyalty to the Nation (sic).

The four Romani women in the Auto or Farsa das ciganas are sexually provocative, since they imply romantic encounters outside the Christian sexual norms. Finally, Gil Vicente’s Romani characters invoke predictions, signs, and symbols that fall outside the Christian (i.e., Catholic) dogma. Hence, they are to be considered heretical (sic).

Indeed, the dichotomy/ongoing “coexistence with a frequently hostile society” [60], or better yet, the Romani people (seen as the “other”) vis-à-vis ethnic Portuguese citizens residing in Portugal and the former Portuguese Empire in a way explains the static existence of this attitude toward this “outsider” group despite the fact it has been part of the Portuguese social milieu for more than a half a millennium—more precisely, 600 years. In fact, the first mention of the Romani people in Iberia dates back to January 12, 1425, when King Alfonso V of Aragon and Sicily (r. 1416–1458)/Naples (as Alfons I, 1442–1458) granted the Romani leader Juan, Count of Egypt Minor, and his “strange people” authorization to stay in his lands for 3 months [61, 62].

Besides the Jews, Anusim, Protestants, Muslims, Mudéjares, and followers of other religions, the Portuguese Inquisition (1536–1821)—which had tribunals in Portugal²⁴ and Portuguese India (Goa)—also targeted the Romani communities living in Portugal and the Portuguese territories overseas whereby Caló men and women were seized, interrogated, tortured, fined, punished, and at times also executed. In some cases, they were accused of being nomadic and endogamous. Most of the times, the accusations were false since, as with any other minority group, the main goal of the Inquisition was to confiscate all the wealth that the accused individuals possessed.

Alas, these biases, stereotypes,²⁵ and tropes continued along the centuries and are to be found today in Portugal, despite the laws protecting the Romani community. Indeed, the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic (1976 and subsequent revisions) guarantees equality for everyone before the law (Article 13) and the right to cultural identity and participation (Article 79) to all individuals residing in Portugal, regardless of their citizenship status or cultural, religion, ethnic, and racial heritage.

The Estratégia para a Integração das Comunidades Ciganas (Strategy for the Integration of the Romani Communities, ENICC in the Portuguese acronym), created in 2013 and updated in 2018, aims at fully integrating the centuries-old marginalization and disfranchisement of the Romani Communities in Portugal [63]. Its main goals are targeting areas that require specific attention, such as: i., citizenship, ii., education, iii., employment, iv., health, v., housing, and vi., outright discrimination. Members of the Romani communities are chosen as mediators in order to facilitate a positive and constructive dialog between the Calós and the rest of Portuguese society.

Even though it is currently housed within the Instituto da Habitação e da Reabilitação Urbana, (Institute of Housing and Urban Rehabilitation, IHRU in the Portuguese acronym), ENICC was strategically placed under the umbrella of the Alto Comissariado das Migrações (High Commission for Migration, ACM in the Portuguese acronym) whereby all cases of ethnic/racial bias, prejudice, and discrimination against the Romani communities were investigated, mediated, and eventually addressed (in or outside a court-of-law). As 2023, ENICC was absorbed by the Agência para a Integração Migrações e Asilo (Agency for the Integration of Migration and Asylum, AIMA in the Portuguese acronym) [53].

In its turn, AIMA houses the Núcleo de Apoio às Comunidades Ciganas, (Support Nucleus to the Romani Communities, NACI in the Portuguese acronym) [52, 64]. As its predecessors, NACI is committed to the inclusion and “empowerment” of all Romani communities living in Portugal by cherishing their rich cultural heritage. More importantly, NACI is committed to eradicating the centuries-old stereotypes, alas almost always accepted as “truth” and a “fact” by many people in Portugal. Hence, its mail goal is promoting multicultural coexistence and appreciation of the Romani “other.”

Nonetheless, NACI is fully aware of the challenges. Its response is thus proactive, or rather, it aims at creating opportunities for the Romani communities to be fully integrated into Portuguese society by providing them the chance to participate in many activities highlighting and sharing their unique history and cultural background.

Secondly, NACI is committed to assisting with public awareness, training sessions, workshops, conferences, special projects, publication of books, magazines, and articles, as well as providing scholarships for young members of the Romani communities [65, 66].

Hence, the ultimate goal of the Portuguese Government as well as the social movements supporting the Calós is their full integration into Portuguese culture. Launched in 2023, NACI’s Programa Escolhas (Choices Program, PE in the Portuguese acronym) sponsors a wide spectrum of activities hosted by Romani as well as non-Romani community leaders.

Alas, despite legal protection, Romani communities in Portugal still face: i. high levels of poverty and social exclusion, ii. prejudicial attitudes among the general population who perceives them as a burden and a threat (physical as well as economic), iii. structural discrimination (particularly in education and housing), and iv. underrepresentation in public institutions [67].

On the positive side, in 2017, the European Union Commissioner for Human Rights praised Portugal’s approach in adopting a human-rights-based approach to Romani inclusion in Portuguese society as well as, and more importantly, for consulting with and including Romani community leaders when it comes to creating new rules, regulations, and policies aimed at full acceptance and integration [68].

Yet, effective endorsement and protection also require active education, enforcement, and political commitment to address centuries-old inequities and practices accepted as normal.

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4. Conclusions

More than 500 years of coexistence, off and on, with the Muslim “other” and the Romani “other” have produced successful and challenging situations whereby integration and rejection have been a constant.

Muslims and Romani people in Portugal and its overseas territories have long been silenced. Alas the number of Calós being kept away from gaining access to a proper education is higher than that of any other minority group, including Muslims who, as mentioned above—because of the religious precepts that mandate literacy in order to have access to the Qur’ān, the أَحَادِيث Ahadīth²⁶ of the Prophet, and other religious texts—usually are well educated in their native tongue, most of the time Arabic, perhaps English, and, eventually, the language of their host country, in this case, Portuguese.

When it comes to the Calós, young Romani should be encouraged to continue their studies and earn at least an undergraduate degree, particularly young Romani women. For instance, the existence of social-movement groups, as in the case of women-led, Romani associations is a proactive step toward self-empowerment and leadership in seeing that their presence in and contribution to Portuguese society is visible, recognized, appreciated, and valued. As in other communities, including mainstream Portuguese society (primarily dominated by Caucasian men), Romani women have to overcome twice as hard the obstacles set by Universal Patriarchy²⁷ as well as Portuguese society.

Hence, in light of what I thus far have reported, how can (full) integration to and acceptance by Portuguese society be facilitated? A threefold, social-movement approach is perhaps the best response/solution to this question [44, 71], namely:

1. Combating discrimination and promoting inclusion:
   • Actively combat antigypsism and Islamophobia by implementing strong anti-discrimination measures and educational campaigns to counter centuries-old attitudes, prejudice, and stereotypes against both Muslim and Romani communities living in Portugal.
   • Promote intercultural dialog and understanding by encouraging exchanges and interactions of both Muslim and Romani communities with the rest of Portuguese society in order to foster mutual respect, understanding, and positive relationships.
   • Revise/upgrade the academic curricula (k-12 and beyond) whereby the historical presence of Muslims and Romani people in Portugal are presented in a positive way, highlighting their numerous contributions to Portuguese society (e.g., architecture, arts, medicine, music, navigation, and science for the Muslims, and arts, crafts, and music for the Romani people).
   • Strengthen legal frameworks and enforcement by ensuring that anti-discrimination laws are effectively enforced while providing Muslim and Romani individuals and communities victims of discrimination access to legal representation and eventually vindication.
   • Support grassroots, social-movement initiatives by providing funding and resources to organizations working at the community level in order to promote integration, challenge discrimination, and empower members of the Muslim and Romani communities.
2. Empowerment and participation:
   • Develop inclusive, integration policies, rules, and regulations in consultation with the affected local Muslim and Romani communities while respecting their cultural, ethnic, racial, and religious diversity.
   • Encourage political participation by supporting social-movement initiatives that enable Muslim and Romani communities to participate in local and national decision-making processes, thus ensuring that their voices and needs are heard and addressed at all levels (locally and nationally).
   • Strengthen community organizations by empowering and providing organizations representing Muslim and Romani communities while allowing them to advocate for their rights and, at the same time, contribute to integration efforts.
3. Improving access to opportunities:
   • Address educational disparities faced by Muslim and Romani children by combating segregation, lack of cultural and linguistic accommodation, and existing socioeconomic barriers.
   • Addressing housing insecurity and segregation experienced by Muslim and, especially so, Romani communities by promoting access to adequate and affordable housing.
   • Develop and implement culturally sensitive academic curricula and teaching methods (K-12 and beyond) in order to better engage Muslim and Romani students while facilitating their success in mainstream Portuguese culture, society, and education.
   • Ensure equitable access to quality healthcare services to Muslims and Romani residing in Portugal.
   • Expand access to early childhood education and development programs aimed at long-term educational and social integration of Muslim and Romani children.
   • Implement programs and initiatives that address the high unemployment rates by Muslim and, particularly so, Romani communities.
   • Provide vocational training and skill development programs in order to prepare Muslim and Romani for available jobs.
   • Recruit and train Muslim and Romani educators, mediators, and mentors in order to build trust, bridge communication gaps, and provide positive role models for the new generation.
   • Work with employers in order to encourage fair hiring practices while addressing discrimination in the workplace against Muslim and Romani people.

One major difference between Muslim and Romani communities is the fact that, unlike the Roma people who are native speakers of Portuguese, most foreign Muslims residing in Portugal (immigrants and/or refugees) have very limited knowledge of Portuguese or do not speak Portuguese at all. Hence, they also face a language barrier which is usually overcome by attending classes of Portuguese as a Second Language (Português Língua não Materna, Português Língua de Acolhimento, PLM and PLA, in their respective Portuguese acronyms), most of the time free-of-charge (or partly/wholly reimbursable) and offered by local, government, NGOs, and non-profit associations—in-person as well as on-line (instructor-guided or autonomously by joining a language platform).²⁸

Indeed, by implementing these recommendations and by prioritizing a constructive dialog, inclusivity, and equal opportunities, Portugal can further foster the successful integration of its Muslim and Romani communities thus building a more inclusive and just society for all, despite their national origin and religious affiliation, as well as their immigrant, refugee, and/or citizenship status.

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Notes

• The archipelagos of Madeira and the Azores were discovered uninhabited in 1419 and 1427 respectively and were populated by people hailing from Mainland Portugal as well as other parts of Europe (e.g., present-day France, Holland, Italy, and Spain).
• Most likely, the Cynetes and the Tartessos were non-Indo-European peoples who settled in the Iberian Peninsula before the sixth century BCE and the ninth century BCE respectively.
• HISPANIA: from the Carthaginian IŠPN, or rather, “island/land of the rabbit(s).”
• The Alans were ancient and medieval Iranic nomads (offshoots of the Sarmatians and speakers of an Eastern Iranian language) that originated in the Central Asian steppes; the Suebians, also known as Sueves, were of Germanic origin hailing from the geographical area between the Elbe and Oder Rivers (Baltic Sea region in present-day Czech Republic, Germany, and Poland); most likely the Visigoths were a blend of Germanic tribes that perhaps migrated from the southwestern are of the Scandinavian Peninsula.
• Namely: the ألخَلافَة الأُمَوية Umayyad Caliphate (711–1031), the مَمَاِلك الطَّوَائِف Taifa Kindgoms (1009–1151), the المُرَابِطون Almoravid Dynasty (1085–1145), and the الخَلافَة المُوحَدية Almohad Caliphate (1147–1238).
• The Colonial Wars in Portuguese Africa and Asia (East Timor) lasted roughly 13 years (1961–1974). On July 31, 1961, the Fort of São João Baptista de Ajudá (ويدَه Ouidah or Whydah) was annexed by Benin (known as Dahomey until November 30, 1975). On December 18–19, 1961, Portuguese India (1501–1961) was annexed by India. Macau was returned to China on December 20, 1999, thus becoming China’s second Special Administrative Region (1999–2049), following Hong Kong (1997–2047). East Timor became independent on May 20, 2002, since on December 7, 1975, it was unilaterally annexed by Indonesia at a time when it was still negotiating independence from Portugal [1, 2].
• Pre-European contact Brazil is oftentimes referred to as “Pre-Cabraline Brazil—from the name of the Portuguese navigator and explorer Pedro Álvares Cabral (c. 1457-c. 1520), under whose leadership the Portuguese “discovered,” or rather, “stumbled upon” what is now Brazil, landing on Porto Seguro, in today’s Brazilian State of Bahia—was a mosaic of Amerindian peoples and tribes, belonging to different clans, tribes, and nations that were part of an equally diverse mosaic of ethnic, racial, and linguistic groups” [3].
• For further information on the Sephardic Jewish presence in the Portuguese genetic makeup, see: [4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12].
• European areas once part of the Islamic world included: Sardinia (748–1027), Corsica (810–850; 930–1020), Sicily (827–1091, called the Emirate of Sicily between 965 and 1072), Malta (965–1091), Albania (c. fourteenth century-1912), Greece (1458–1821), Serbia (1459–1804), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1463–1878), and Hungary (1541–1699) [13].
• [16, 17, 18, 19, 20].
• The general consensus among scholars is that, barring the nobility and the clergy who, for the most part, had access to higher education, the rest of the Portuguese population, particularly those residing in the rural areas, was practically illiterate or semi-illiterate.
• “عجَمي ‘Ajamī—from the Arabic عجمِيّ ‘Ajamiyyah Persian/Iranian, i.e., a foreigner—it means writing the local language (considered “foreign” by the Arabs) in Arabic script. Aljamia or Aljamiado are the terms used in English to denote texts and corresponding literary corpora using Arabic script (though a bit modified) to represent a language other than Arabic [21]. Aljamia texts are found everywhere Islam extended its political and religious reach. In other words, ‘Ajamiyyah عَجَمِيّ is a language used in the former or present Muslim world with lexical and, at times, morpho-syntactic interferences from Arabic. All languages that have had a direct or indirect contact with the Islamic world thus show a varying degree of lexical borrowing from Arabic and, through Arabic, other languages, as in the case of Farsi and عُثٌمَانٌلي Osmanli (Ottoman Turkish written in aljamia throughout most of the Ottoman Empire, c. 1288–1922) that, owing to their sociopolitical and cultural status, were able to lexically influence Arabic [22].
• Indeed, “according to early (476–1000) and late (11th–15th centuries) Medieval lore, Prophet Muhammad was an ambitious Christian bishop who, because he was not chosen to be pope, or because of mundane reasons, decided to create a schism with the Church” [23].
• Monophysitism holds that Jesus Christ has only one nature —the divine. Hence, his human nature is basically part of his divine nature. The 451 Council of Chalcedon officially condemned Monophysitism as a heresy. Yet, it was accepted by the Oriental Orthodox Churches (e.g., the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, and the Armenian Apostolic Church).
• Mudéjares, from the Arabic مُدَجْنُون mudajnūn (tamed). Moçárabes, from the Arabic مُسْتَعْرَب musta‘arab, (Arabized and, by extension, Islamized). It should be remembered that Islamic/Islamized is not synonymous with Muslim, since a person and/or a community can adopt and share some features of Islam with Muslims/the Muslim world, including the use of the Arabic script, yet still maintain their own culture, customs, language, and/or religion. In other words a Muslim is Islamic/Islamized; yet, the opposite is not necessarily true.
• Before (fourteenth century) and during the Portuguese Age of Discovery (15th–16th centuries), quite a few foreigners (Europeans and “others”) made their home, either temporarily or (semi) permanently, in Continental Portugal and the newly discovered archipelagos of Madeira and the Azores, namely, i. bankers, cartographers, and experts in all that was navigation originally from the Italian Peninsula; ii. Spanish artisans and traders; iii. Flemish traders (cloths, dyes, and sugar); iv. Muslims hailing from the Maghreb and Egypt (artisans, businessmen, and traders); and v. English and German-speaking businessmen (wine and spices).
• As in the case of the Dutch, English, French, and Spanish who, off and on, during more than 500 years challenged Portuguese power and hegemony worldwide, in a world that for the first time was being (re)discovered, interconnected, reconfigured, and dominated only by a few European nations. Later, some non-European nations (in the Americas and Oceania), yet governed by people of European descent, also joined in this quest to dominate the world beyond their national borders—e.g., the United States (end of the nineteenth century) as well as Australia and New Zealand (both countries during and after World War II, 1939–1945).
• In his 17-book opus Geographica (first published in 1620 and edited by Isaac Casaubon), Greek geographer Strabo (c. 64 BCE-24 CE) refers to the Maurusians as “a Libyan tribe living on the side of the straight opposite Iberia” [35].
• Other major corruption scandals or allegations of corruption associated with the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) are: the Operação Marquês (Operation Marquis) whereby the former Prime Minister José Sócrates (mandate: 2005–2011) was arrested in 2014 on charges of corruption, tax evasion, and money laundering, including misappropriating c. 34 million Euros during his mandate; the 2009 Face Oculta (Hidden Face) scandal, involving businessmen and local councils, including activities that implicated members of the Socialist Party in power; the 2023 Operation Influencer, an investigation on the alleged corruption in high-value government contracts during the term of former Prime-Minister Anónio Costa; and the 2023 Tutti Frutti scandal, a probe on the systematic influence peddling between the Socialist Party and the Social Democratic Party.
• When Portugal was under Islamic rule (711–1249), as in the rest of the Iberian Peninsula under Islamic rule (711–1492), Sephardic Jews, Christians, and Muslims lived (for the most part) in peace and harmony, whereby the pursuit and sharing of knowledge were the foundations of mutual respect and coexistence (convivência in Portuguese). Indeed, “the Islamic House of Knowledge, بَيت الحِكْمَة Bait al-Hikma, was also known as المَدْرَس المُشَتَرَك al-Madrasah al-Mushatarak, or rather, the Common Teaching Establishment, was a unique place in the then-Muslim world where Sephardic Jews, Christians, and Muslims assembled to talk about different topics, religious as well as secular, among the latter Philosophy and Science” [43].
• Also known as New-Christians, Crypto-Jews and, erroneously so, Marranos. In Hebrew, as well as in Ladino (e.g., Judeo-Portuguese and Judeo-Spanish among other Jewish-Iberian languages), the term אֲנוּסִים Anūsīm (“those who faked conversion because they were forced to do so”) was and is still preferred today because of the offensive connotation of the word Marranos (possibly from the Arabic مُحَرَّم muharram, “forbidden,” “sacred,” or “unclean;” hence, something unclean, i.e., a pig). Indeed, in Portuguese the word marrano is a synonym for porco, pig. Conversely, Muharram (sacred) is also the name of the first month of the Islamic calendar.
• Brazil gained independence in 1822.
• During the reigns of King Manuel I (r. 1495–1521) and King João III (r. 1521–1557), the city of Évora (c. 82 miles east of Lisbon) was often used as a secondary royal residence of the Portuguese Crown (second only to Lisbon).
• Though its headquarters were located in Lisbon, there were also five other cities where the Portuguese Inquisition set up courts, namely: Coimbra, Évora, Lamego, Porto, and Tomar. Yet, Lisbon, Évora, and later Coimbra, were the main hubs from which the inquisitors operated and deliberated their verdicts against the (alleged) transgressors.
• Besides the stereotypes listed above, the Romani people were and are often negatively associated with the entertainment industry (music, dance, and sorcerers), the butcher industry, and ironmongery.
• “Hadīth حَدِيث, plural أَحَادِيث Ahādīth, literally “tradition.” The Ahādīth is a selected collection of Muhammad’s sayings, actions, tacit approvals, and general lifestyle attributed directly to him or witnessed by an uninterrupted chain of documented and trustworthy eyewitnesses (إَسْناد isnād) that go back to the Prophet himself or, in some cases, to those who were near him. Second only to the Qur’ān, the Ahādīth is the main legal source for uncovering information that can in its turn be applied to the secular as well as the religious life of all Muslims” [69].
• As for the endemic nature of Universal Patriarchy, see [70], particularly chapters 1 and 2, namely: “Sexual Politics” and “Historical Background.”
• Among the many associations that offer assistance to immigrants and refugees, including Muslims, stand out: ALCC (Associação Lusofonia, Cultura e Cidadania, Lusophone Association, Culture, and Citizenship), SPEAK Social, and CPR (Concelho Português para os Refugiados (Portuguese Refugee Council), as well as the state-run Instituo do Emprego e Formação Profissional (Institute of Employment and Professional Training).

source https://www.intechopen.com/chapters/1231766